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Marion Wright EdelmanMarion Wright Edelman
Marc Morial



 Marc Morial, President and CEO National Urban League
To Be Equal: Abortion Bans Are Part of a Larger Agenda to Roll Back Advances in Racial Justice and Women’s Rights

“At a time when open racism was becoming unfashionable, these politicians needed a more high-minded issue, one that would not compel them to surrender their fundamental political orientation. And of course. the beauty of defending a fetus is that the fetus demands nothing in return —housing, health care, education—so it’s a fairly low-risk advocacy.”

—religious historian Randall Balmer


One of the enduring myths of American politics is that evangelical Christians were spurred en masse to political action by the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 ruling in Roe v. Wade, which protects the legal right to abortion.

The truth is much uglier. Right-wing panic over legal abortion was sparked—and stoked—by panic over the advancement of civil rights and women’s rights. And the effort to roll back reproductive rights is part of a larger agenda to reverse the progress of the 20th Century and re-establish white male dominance over our nation’s political and social institutions.

The late Rev. Jerry Falwell, who founded the right-wing Moral Majority, did not speak publicly against abortion until 1978, five years after Roe.  The Southern Baptist Convention passed a resolution in 1971 calling for the legalization of abortion, re-affirming it in 1974 and 1976. Focus on the Family founder James Dobson said in 1973 that the Bible is silent on abortion and that “a developing embryo or fetus is not regarded as a full human being.”

No, the Supreme Court decision that galvanized the religious right was not Roe v. Wade, but Green v. Connally,  which had its own origins in Brown v. Board of Education—68 years ago this week—which outlawed racial segregation in public schools.

Resistance to integration following Brown was so strong that whites-only private schools known as “segregation academies” sprung up throughout the south. Falwell, who famously referred to the civil rights movement as “civil wrongs” established his own segregation academy, Lynchburg Christian School, in 1967.

In 1971, the Court ruled in Green v.Connally— and affirmed later that year in Coit v. Green—that a private school which practiced racial discrimination could not be eligible for a tax exemption.

Bob Jones University, whose founder declared that integration was “contrary to the Word of God,” was especially energetic in fighting the ruling.  The revocation of Bob Jones tax-exemption in 1976 “alerted the Christian school community about what could happen with government interference” Bob Jones administrator Elmer L. Rumminger, told Balmer. “That was really the major issue that got us all involved.”

Right-wing activists, particularly Falwell and Heritage Foundation co-founder Paul Weyrich, saw an opportunity to harness the surging racial anxiety among conservative Christians into political action.

“But Falwell and Weyrich, having tapped into the ire of evangelical leaders, were also savvy enough to recognize that organizing grassroots evangelicals to defend racial discrimination would be a challenge,” Balmer wrote. “It had worked to rally the leaders, but they needed a different issue if they wanted to mobilize evangelical voters on a large scale.”

Even in the late 1970s, organized opposition to legal abortion was mainly the domain of Roman Catholics. But the success of Republican candidates opposed to legal abortion in the 1978 Senate elections demonstrated to right-wing political activists the issue’s potential to motivate conservative evangelical voters.

In the 1980 Presidential election, evangelical voters flocked to Republican Ronald Reagan, who as Governor of California had signed the nation’s most liberal abortion law in 1967, over fellow evangelical Jimmy Carter, who publicly stated his personal opposition to abortion.

The movement to criminalize abortion has never extricated itself from its racist origins. “Whites who score high on measures of racial resentment and racial grievance are far more likely to support strict limits on abortion than whites who score low on these measures,” political scientist Alan Abramowitz told the New York Times.  White supremacist groups are among the movement’s most passionate supporters.  At this year’s March for Life rally in January, members of the white nationalist Patriot Front distributed cards reading, “America belongs to its fathers, and it is owed to its sons. The restoration of American sovereignty must follow the restoration of the American Family.”

In a letter, earlier this week urging members of the Senate to pass the Women’s Health Protection  Act, other Urban League leaders and I pointed out that overturning Roe would put Black women in particular danger.

“Black women are 2.5 times more likely to die as a result of childbirth than White women. Meanwhile, due to racialized income and wealth disparities, inequitable access to medical care, and the other insidious ways structural racism manifests, people of color are more likely to require abortion care and are less likely to be able to afford out-of-state travel to obtain care if it is made illegal in their state,” we wrote. “Therefore, it is not only a gender justice issue but a racial justice issue to codify the right to an abortion into federal law and ensure all pregnant persons have the ability to make personal health decisions.”

As House Majority Whip James E. Clyburn tweeted, "We have seen #SCOTUS gut voting rights. Other decisions like Brown v. Board [desegregation of schools], Loving v. Virginia [allowing interracial marriage], and Obergefell v. Hodges [upholding same-sex marriage] could hang in the balance.

“History teaches us that if a thing has happened before, it can happen again.”

“We must fight to reclaim rights that have been lost and defend rights that are in danger.”



Marian Wright Edelman

ChildWatch: Hungry Children Still Need Help

As the school year winds down, once again millions of children and families are facing the reality that hunger doesn’t take a summer vacation. This has been especially true over the last two years. Many of the lines at food pantries that started forming at the beginning of the pandemic still have not disappeared, and rising prices are now stretching families’ budgets past their limits. Congress took action to help early on, providing crucial waivers and flexibilities that allowed schools to serve universal free meals to all students. But these protections for hungry children are set to expire June 30, and Congress has not yet extended them. Without immediate action, 10 million children will lose access to healthy, free meals and many summer meal sites will be forced to close their doors. Poor and low-income families, who are already reeling from the loss of the expanded Child Tax Credit that helped them afford groceries and other necessities, are facing a very uncertain season ahead.

Addressing hunger in America should always be a priority. When I was working as a young civil rights lawyer for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund in Mississippi fifty-five years ago, I was asked to come to Washington to testify before Congress about how the War on Poverty was working in the state. I told the committee I had become deeply and increasingly concerned about the high levels of hunger in the Mississippi Delta. Senators Robert Kennedy and Joseph Clark agreed to come to Mississippi to see the crisis for themselves, and we visited homes—many of them shacks with dirt floors and empty ice boxes and cupboards—where we saw a kind of hunger many people did not believe could exist in America. We saw listless young children with bloated bellies and families who could not afford even the $2 cost to buy the food stamps which had replaced the free food commodities that were all that stood between them and hunger and malnutrition, even starvation. It was shameful, inexcusable, and preventable.

Advocates demanding action on hunger set in motion a chain of events over the next few years that led to major reforms being adopted. In 1969, President Richard Nixon convened a White House Conference on Food, Nutrition and Health, declaring hunger had no place in our rich land. Positive follow up policy steps spawned major progress over time and paved the path for the indispensable child and family food safety net programs that so many tens of millions depend on today. But even now, we can still clearly see that the safety net has gaping holes. That’s why it’s good news that more than 50 years after that first White House conference, President Biden’s administration has announced it will once again hold a White House Conference on Hunger, Nutrition, and Health this September.

The Children’s Defense Fund joined other organizations signing a letter urging President Biden to convene a conference that reads in part: “We can end hunger in America, and a public commitment to a White House Conference, with ending hunger as a key priority, is an essential step in accomplishing this goal…The 1969 Conference led to an expansion of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and the National School Lunch Program, as well as the establishment of the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC). The Conference created the meaningful and necessary conversations to address hunger and food insecurity in America at the time. Now, more than half a century later, conversations on how we will finally put an end to hunger in America are long overdue.”

It continues: “More than 38 million Americans, including 11.7 million children live in households that struggle to put food on the table. Food insecurity negatively impacts health, educational access, workforce readiness and business productivity. In addition, the COVID pandemic has affected food security in all corners of America, while also widening the disparities in food insecurity among individuals who are Black, Indigenous, Latino and other people of color. Food insecurity in America is a political choice and there is an opportunity to take transformative action.”

It's time to seize the moment again, including putting permanent universal school meals on the 2022 agenda. Research confirms access to universal school meals boosts attendance, improves academic and health outcomes, and reduces behavior-related suspensions. Nearly 60 percent of children just above the cutoff for free meals are children of color, leaving them most at risk of losing out on the healthy food they need to succeed inside and outside of the classroom. Decades after that visit to hungry Black children in Mississippi, institutional racism still disproportionately denies children of color—and their families—access to healthy food at home and in their communities. Universal school meals and other tools to fight hunger are an essential step for advancing racial equity right now.






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